The following is an additional feature I’ve decided to include on this page. I wrote it while walking on the treadmill. Before I started walking, I’d seen a family member post it on Facebook. I felt it deserved a thorough examination. I had time, and so, I used it to examine the video’s five steps. The examination isn’t long. There is no theology here. Although truth is Christological. And so, the following…
A Review of Robert Reich’s Video entitled “How Trump is Following Hitler’s Playbook.”
To view the video, visit https://youtu.be/WSxJRIiCNs8?si=XeDbDnUWwp65fSfk

The first thing I’ll say is that it’s awfully ironic that the presenter’s last name is Reich, especially when you consider the tactics he employs throughout. With that, I’d like to analyze each of his steps at least and consider the logic/details/context behind what he said.
First, he claims Trump tried to intimidate both officials and voters in the same way Hitler and Mussolini did using militias. For starters, this is a false equivalence. Comparing sporadic, decentralized threats by fringe Trump supporters to organized paramilitary units like Hitler’s Sturmabteilung or Mussolini’s Blackshirts is, if anything at all, a stretch. I get why people like to use the “Proud Boys” quote in videos like this. Out of context, it is a goldmine. But in context, it fails. Conversely, what shows Reich’s third-reich-like willingness to use dirty logic is his willingness to weaponize the quotation in a way that conflates it. His argument assumes causality without clear evidence. People argue in such ways when they’re trying to stir fear.
Next, he claims Trump wanted to purge civil servants and replace them with loyalists via “Schedule F” and Project 2025. How about some context? Well, context harms Reich’s goal.
The “Schedule F” executive order was about classifying certain policy-influencing roles so that presidents could more easily remove them. Similar restructuring has occurred under past administrations going back decades. As for Project 2025, it was a policy blueprint developed by a think tank, the Heritage Foundation, rather than an official or inevitable government plan from anyone in the Trump administration. But even if it had come from someone in Trump’s midst, he denounced it publicly. Reich must have missed that. Even further, there’s no way he could enact even a fraction of what’s in it. A simple review reveals that the entire process would require congressional approval.
After all this, Reich claims Trump uses the fear of immigrants in the same way Hitler used fear of other races. This is an easy one. In fact, it’s another conflated criticism. Hitler restructured an entire nation into a functioning war machine through laws like the “Enabling Act” and purges like the “Night of the Long Knives.” Trump’s immigration proposals are absolutely nothing like Hitler’s totalitarian restructuring, and, in the end, Reich’s argument is little more than comparing conservative criticism of progressive prosecutors or immigration policy to a frightening ideology (fascism) while completely ignoring the valid (and widely held) conservative positions on the issue. Reich assumes bad motives without considering long-held and well-established alternative interpretations that have been in place for centuries. It’s as if he couldn’t care less about what’s actually being (or has been) debated on this topic, choosing instead to create an alien narrative from evidence only he knows about. And this evidence leads him to conclude that Trump is laboring to militarize the government—or even create a personal militia. Speculative fearmongering is a Nazi tactic. Reich is demonstrating this in spades.
Following this, Reich focuses on Trump’s “vermin” language as mimicking Hitler’s rhetoric. This is a loaded comparison, and as usual, it lacks any context. Yes, Trump’s language can be inflammatory. But you’re more familiar with his inflammatory commentary because the media tends to talk a lot about it. I’m yet to see MSNBC or CNN discuss the filth pouring from folks like Crockett (“Governor Hotwheels”) and Waters. Maxine Waters called for people to attack conservatives at home, in restaurants, and wherever they might be found. Never once has a conservative done something so extreme. And so, comparing Trump’s words to genocidal propaganda lacks all nuance. Political rhetoric is often harsh on both sides. Equating strong language with genocidal intent is an escalation that demands stronger justification… or at least some reasonable evidence. That said, where are the calls from Democrats to stop burning Teslas and Tesla dealerships? The silence is deafening. Reich’s shallow argument resulting in selective outrage is, too. He completely ignores similar rhetoric from left-wing figures aimed at conservatives (Hillary Clinton’s “basket of deplorables” comment). Reich’s standards are more than inconsistent.
Lastly, Reich claims Trump attacks the press like Hitler did, reducing trust in the media. To begin with, this is nothing new to any politician or party on either side. It happens in constitutional republics and democracies. But here’s what Reich forgets: Trump’s attacks on media (just like AOC’s and Bernie Sanders’s) were verbal, not legislative or enforced by law like Hitler. Reich’s premise falls shorter than short. Trump calling the media biased is not the same as controlling it. Again, many politicians criticize the press. What matters is whether they legally suppress it, which, by the way, actually happened in an unprecedented way under Biden during the COVID-19 pandemic. Those facts are in, and they’re awfully damning.
On this same front, I did some digging. I know from my doctoral work that Gallup’s longitudinal data is the standard for U.S. media trust metrics. I cross-checked the numbers with Gallup’s broader dataset, including their 2024 update from their October 14, 2024, article “Americans’ Trust in Media Remains at Trend Low.” Gallup’s statistics show that media trust was in freefall long before Trump. For example, they fell from 55% in 1999 to 32% in 2023. Trump does what any politician would do. He exploits this. But Reich insists he caused it. Read the studies. Factors like social media, bias perceptions, and scandals (e.g., Iraq War coverage) predate Trump. In other words, Reich’s implied causality is, once again, a fearmongering murk. He writes as though Trump is omnipresent (everywhere and everywhen) and omnipotent.
I said at the beginning that I find it ironic that his name is Reich. When all is said and done, his rhetorical approach is far more reflective of fascist strategy than anything he attributes to Trump. Fascism thrives not merely through violence or overt tyranny, but through control of language, manipulation of public perception, the deliberate crafting of fear-based narratives that silence dissent, and other strategies that Reich boldly employs. He selectively curates evidence, omits context, assumes nefarious motives without substantiation, and stokes panic by drawing exaggerated historical parallels—all tactics straight from the authoritarian playbook. Yes, Trump’s style is brash. But he operates within the familiar bounds of a conservative populist spectrum. Reich, on the other hand, uses propaganda techniques that intentionally bypass rational debate in favor of emotional conditioning, sowing division, and casting opponents as existential threats. Ironically, in attempting to portray Trump as a fascist, Reich exposes his own comfort with the very mechanisms of fascism. Only, he’s far more eloquent than most. He can cloak his deception with academic language and moral indignation. Unfortunately, this only bolsters the barriers in place around those who remain so ideologically captured by this inconsistent and illogical mess of progressive assumptions.





